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==Historieskrivning==
==Historiography==
 
ItDet iser nowi impossibledag toumuligt assessfastslå exactlypræcis whyhvorfor thedet Firstførste Crusadekorstog blev occurredtil noget, althoughselv manyom possiblehistorikerne causeshar havefremdraget beenmange suggestedmulige by historiansårsager, most recentlysenest [[Jay Rubenstein]].<ref>Rubenstein, Jay. (2011). Armies of Heaven: The First Crusade and the Quest for Apocalypse. Basic Books. 2011. ISBN 0-465-01929-3.</ref> TheHistorieskrivningen [[historiography]]om ofkorstogene theafspejler Crusadesforskellige reflectshistorikeres attemptsforsøg made byat differentforstå historianskorstogenes tosammensatte understandårsager the Crusades' complex causes andog justificationsbegrundelser. AnEn earlytidlig theoryteori, theden so-calledsåkaldte "Erdmann thesistese", developedsom blev udviklet af byden Germantyske historianhistoriker [[Carl Erdmann]], directlyknyttede linkedkorstogene thedirekte Crusadestil todet the11. 11th-centuryårhundredes [[GregorianDen Reformgregorianske reform|reformgregorianske movementsreformer]].<ref>Erdmann (1935), ''Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens''. Translated into English as ''The Origin of the Idea of Crusade'' by Marshall W. Baldwin and Walter Goffart in 1977.</ref> ThisDenne firstførste theoryteori claimedhævdede thatat theoverførslen exportationaf ofvolden violencemod to the eastøst, andog thestøtten assistancetil todet thevaklende struggling[[østromerske Byzantinerige]] Empirevar werekorsfarernes theprimære Crusaders'mål primaryog goals,at anderobringen that the conquest ofaf Jerusalem wasvar moreet a secondary,sekundært popularfolkeligt goalmål.<ref>{{harvnb|Riley-Smith|1991|p=1}}.</ref>
 
Generally,Generelt subsequenthar historianssenere havehistorikere eitherenten followedfulgt Erdmann, withmed furtheryderligere expansionsudvikling uponaf hishans thesisteori, oreller rejectedafvist itden. SomeNogle historianshistorikere, such assåsom [[Speros Vryonis]], havehar emphasizedunderstreget thepåvirkningen influencefra offremkomsten theaf riseislam ofi Islam generallyalmindelighed, and the impactog ofvirkningen theaf recentseldjukkernes Seljuqfremtrængen onslaughti specificallysærdeleshed. [[Steven Runciman]] arguedhævdede, thatat thekorstoget crusadeskyldtes wasen motivatedkombination byaf ateologisk combinationbegrundelse offor theologicalen justificationhellig forkrig holyog waren andgenerel arastløshed "generalog restlessnesslyst andtil taste for adventure"eventyr, especiallyisær amongblandt thenormannerne Normansog andden thefranske "youngeradels sons"yngre ofsønner, thesom Frenchikke nobilityhavde whoandre had no other opportunitiesmuligheder.<ref>{{harvnb|Runciman|1980|p=76}}.</ref><ref group="note">[[Steven Runciman|Runciman]] iser widelyblevet read;læst itaf ismange, safeog todet saykan thatroligt mostsiges, popularat conceptionsde ofmest theudbredte [[Crusades]]opfattelser om arekorstogene basedstammer onfra hishans accountbeskrivelse, thoughselv theom academicden worldakademiske hasverden longforlængst moveder pastnået himlængere.</ref>
 
Runciman evenantyder impliesendda, thatat thereder wasikke novar immediatenogen threatumiddelbar fromtrussel thefra Islamicden worldislamiske verden, arguingog hævder, thatat "ini themidten middleaf ofdet the 11th century the lot11. ofårhundrede thehavde Christiansde inkristnes Palestinelod hadi seldomPalæstina beensjældent soværet pleasantbedre".<ref>{{harvnb|Runciman|1980|p=31}}.</ref> However,Men Runciman makes hishævder argumentdet onlykun ini referenceforbindelse tomed PalestinePalæstina under thefatimiderne Fatimids cca.&nbsp;1029–1073, notikke under the Seljuqsseldjukkernes.<ref>{{harvnb|Runciman|1980|pp=30–31}}.</ref> Moreover,Desuden theer sourcedet ofuklart hishvad generallyder er kilden til hans generelt positive viewsyn of Palestiniande Christians'palæstinensiske lotkristnes inlod thei laterden 11thsenere centurydel isaf unclear,det as11. thereårhundrede, wereda veryder fewer contemporarymeget Christian sourcessamtidige fromkristne Palestinekilder writingfra inPalæstina thisi perioddenne periode, andog der survivingfindes Christian sourcesgodt derivingsom directlyingen fromkristne Seljuqkilder Palestinefra aredet virtuallyseldjukkiske non-existentPalæstina.
 
In opposition to Runciman's argument, and on the basis of contemporary Jewish [[Cairo Geniza]] documents, as well as later Muslim accounts, [[Moshe Gil]] argues that the Seljuq conquest and occupation of Palestine (c.&nbsp;1073–1098) was a period of "slaughter and vandalism, of economic hardship, and the uprooting of populations".<ref>{{harvnb|Gil|1997|p=420}}; for details on the Seljuq occupation of Palestine, see pp.&nbsp;410–420.</ref> Indeed, drawing upon earlier writers such as Ignatius of Melitene, [[Michael the Syrian]] had recorded that the Seljuqs subjected Coele-Syria and the Palestinian coast to "cruel destruction and pillage".<ref>''Chronique de Michel le Syrien'', pp.&nbsp;170–171.</ref>
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